Ethiopia, a landlocked African country about the size of Texas, is the place of my ancestry.

A Short History of Ethiopia

Ethiopia is unique among the other countries on the African continent. Ethiopia, as an ancient civilization and monarchy, maintained its freedom from colonial invaders for hundreds of years, until WWII, when Italy occupied it from 1936 until 1941. When 1974 rolled around, the reigning emperor, Emperor Haile Selassie, was deposed by Derg, a military junta (a small group ruling a country.

Derg quickly established a socialist state. The Regime finally collapsed under the weight of bloody coups, drought, refugee problems, and uprisings in 1991. The EPRDF (Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front) can also claim to have brought down the previous regime. In 1994, a constitution was adopted, and in 1995 Ethiopia held its first multi-party election!

Land of My Father

During the hazardous times of the Derg, my father thought it wise to leave. He thanks God everyday that he happened to meet a missionary family that was willing to help him immigrate to the United States. Leaving Ethiopia at the time wasn’t as easy as flashing a passport and boarding a plane. My father was escorted to the border of Kenya, where he met up with another missionary family. He was able to stay with them until he was able to afford the passage to America.

The Land Of Opportunity and American Women

Once my father arrived in the US, he set to work finding a place to live, and employment. He found a cheap apartment to rent in Fresno, California, and quickly found a job as a custodian for the Parks Department. It was one of the few jobs where his broken English didn’t keep him from getting paid. After two years, my father was able to enroll in an ESL class. There is where he met my mother. My mother was a counselor in the school where my father was attending his ESL classes. She thought he was charming and he thought she was beautiful. After dating for three years, they married and I was born in 1981.

Long Story Short

My father saw my birth as a sign to him that his life was complete. He escaped a country that was, at the time, a deadly place to be. He came to a country where his life was his own and he flourished. He found a woman who loved him despite his low education and his heavy accent. And he fathered a child that could carry his family heritage. My father has lived through much, and experienced much.

I am proud of him and all that he has accomplished in his life. I am also proud of the fact that I am an Ethiopian American!

When Dr. Meqdes testified before the House Subcommittee on Africa on March 29, 2006, she was thinking of her father, Professor Mesfin Wolde Mariam. Professor Mesfin, a prominent Ethiopian human rights activist, has been incarcerated in Ethiopia since November of 2005. In thinking of her father and his situation, Dr. Meqdes also wondered why the United States is not doing more to help democracy in Ethiopia. As she stated in the hearing, 'Honorable Members, for more than three decades, my personal and family life has been impacted by what my father has committed in his faith and belief that Government belongs to the people and that these fundamental freedoms that we all seek are a necessary element in allowing democracy to flourish in an environment where the rule of law is supreme.�

Dr. Meqdes believes that the United States has not exerted enough pressure on the Ethiopian Government to release prisoners of conscience like her father. She and many others like her have been speaking out in support of democracy. Dr. Meqdes has been engaging actively to let the world know about her father's struggle for democracy. She spoke at several gatherings throughout the nation, wrote papers and led a hunger strike in opposition to the arrest of the political prisoners.

On June 27, 2006, three months after Dr. Meqdes' testimony, a comprehensive bi-partisan bill, H.R. 5680, the Ethiopia Freedom, Democracy and Human Rights Advancement Act of 2006 sponsored by Rep. Chris Smith (R-NJ) and Rep. Donald Payne (D-NJ), unanimously passed the International Relations Committee and was forwarded to the full House. The bill is expected to bring freedom, democracy, human rights and economic development to Ethiopia. On its passage, Rep. Smith said, �Violence against dissidents has increased significantly and yet there have been no credible accounts for the slaughter of protestors in the streets of Addis last year.� He added, �We not only call on the Ethiopian Government to unconditionally release all political prisoners, but establish a program to tangibly assist them.�

In his statement, Rep. Smith was referring to hundreds of political prisoners like Professor Mesfin. Professor Mesfin is a 76-year-old retired geography professor and founding member of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRCO). He is the winner of the 2006 Heinz R. Pagels Human Rights Award and among the 10 nominees for the European Parliament's 2006 Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought. Prof Mesfin is currently one of the prisoners of conscience and a senior member of the main opposition party, Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP). Along with many others, Professor Mesfin was imprisoned in November 2005 in connection with opposition demonstration against the Ethiopian Government. He is not alone at Kaliti Prison, where many of the political prisoners are jailed including Dr. Berhanu Negga, an economics professor and the newly elected Mayor of Addis Ababa; Ms. Birtukan Mideksa, a former judge and vice chairperson of CUDP; and Dr. Yacob Hailemariam, a former UN prosecutor in the Rwanda genocide trial in Tanzania.

During the years leading up to the election, Ethiopia was feted to be one of the African nations with emerging democratic systems. Under pressure from the United States and the European Union and in exchange for political and economic support, the 14-year-old Government of Ethiopia held a legislative election on May 15, 2005. This election was unparalleled in the country's history. Many vibrant opposition parties participated, media access was given to the opposition, and international observers were invited for the first time to witness the election. As a result, an astounding ninety percent of eligible voters cast their ballots. Despite some irregularities, the election was conducted peacefully and was commended by the international community. Many people hoped that democracy was finally emerging and bringing a lasting stability to Ethiopia - a prerequisite for social and economic development.

But, the post election period turned out to be tragic. The opposition parties allege that the election was rigged and ballot boxes stolen. The Carter Center, one of the invited international observers, stated in its final report that the handling of the post election results was disappointing. European Union observers, in their final report, also concluded that the election did not meet the international standard. A critical dispute between the ruling party, Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and the opposition parties gradually escalated and stalled the election process. In an effort to unlock the stalemate, CUDP issued an eight-point precondition. Several attempts made by donor countries to resolve the impasse failed.

CUDP, the party of Dr. Meqdes' father, boycotted the Parliament and called for a civil disobedience. Supporters of CUDP demonstrated and accused the ruling party of fraud. The demonstration led to violent confrontation. Over eighty people were shot and killed by the federal police in a series of pro-CUDP demonstrations, first in June and later in November 2005. Children and women were among the dead. Seven policemen were also killed at the riot. The election dispute brought the country to total crisis.

The United States and the European Union, in an effort to resolve the unrest, issued a joint appeal in November 2005, but the ruling Government of Ethiopia immediately turned it down. The U.S. and E.U. called for release of the political prisoners in the joint appeal. Such requests fell on deaf ears. At the time, Former Assistant Secretary for Africa, Herman Cohen said in an interview with the Voice of America, �the Government of Ethiopia,� once considered a symbol of fledgling democracy, �has become authoritarian and even totalitarian�.

A year after the May 2005 election, the crisis took a different turn. The ruling government appointed a new mayor and council members for the capital city administration. They replaced the elected representatives who are languishing in prison. Some elected legislative members of the opposition party, who were not arrested, were coerced to join the Parliament, in an attempt to split CUDP and give misleading image of the opposition's participation. CUDP formed an international leadership in exile. It also joined alliance with several opposition groups, some of whom have picked up arms against the regime.

Dr. Meqdes thinks that the US Government has acted in an inconsistent manner in attempting to resolve the impasse. Although the U.S. called for peaceful solution to the crisis, it has not exerted enough pressure on the Ethiopian Government to meet the appeal it issued jointly with European Union. For many Ethiopians it seems that the US has put aside its democratic principles and seeks closer ties with the autocratic Government of Ethiopia. Dr. Meqdes believes promotion of democracy in Ethiopia has been limited and weakened by U.S. security interests in the Horn of Africa. The U.S. Administration has employed lenient policies on democracy promotion not to disappoint its Horn of Africa main ally in the war against terrorism - the main imperative of U.S. foreign policy post 9/11.

Dr. Meqdes would like Ethiopia to remain an ally. But, she does not want to see the United States security interest in the horn of Africa trump its stated commitment in supporting liberty and democracy. President Bush has tied the promotion of democracy to U.S. national security interests and indicated that the U.S. would not pay for stability at the price of liberty and democracy. It is her wish to see the United States stand with the people of Ethiopia and support free press, an independent judiciary, a sound financial system, strong labor unions, as well as a vibrant opposition parties, things that Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice calls the �essential components of decent society�.

It is Dr. Meqdes’ strong belief that lack of democracy in a country like Ethiopia breeds extremism and provokes radicalism. She hopes the U.S. Administration will reconsider its policies and get tough on the authoritarian Government of Ethiopia. Dr. Meqdes strongly believes that failure to act timely may lead to a growing support for the rise of radical elements and risk constant instability in a country that is vital to U.S. strategic interest in the region.

Citing the lack of democracy as their main concern, more and more Ethiopians who worked with the Prime Minister Meles’ Government are fleeing. In the last few months alone, over sixty diplomats left the Government and defected in Europe and the United States. According to several media reports, in early September, a prominent prosecutor, who said the Ethiopian government forced him to pursue opposition leaders has also requested asylum in the United States. 'I have been ordered by the Government to institute charges on CUDP leaders,' said Alemayehu Zemedkun, referring to Ethiopia’s opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party. 'I have tried to show them the legal impediments. There is not enough evidence … but they insisted.'

Members of the Ethiopian military were not immune to defection. A high-ranking army General, Kemal Gelchu, defected to neighboring Eritrea, along with several ranking officers and over hundred soldiers. In an interview with the BBC news agency, the General said his hopes of peace had been dashed after last year's turmoil that followed disputed elections. He indicated that he would join the Oromo Liberation Front, OLF, a rebel group fighting for the right of the Oromo people, and fight with force in a language Meles’ regime understands. Few weeks after General Kemal's defection, two more senior army officers followed him in a series of defection.

In few days, H.R. 5680 is expected to be brought to the House floor, unless the Ethiopian Government highly paid lobbyists successfully lobby for its delay. Dr. Meqdes calls all democracy-loving individuals to contact their elected representatives and urge them to support H.R. 5680. When H.R. 5680 becomes public law, she hopes it will contribute to the development of a political environment that will actively seek the institutionalization of human rights, the rule of law and democracy in Ethiopia. For now, Dr. Meqdes’ primary wish is to see her ailing father secure his freedom and return to what he loves to do �fight for democracy.

A little late in the day. But here is the full text of an article I wrote for the BBC's Focus on Africa magazine about the (alledged but denied) great Ethiopian blog blockage.

It was written just before the Blogspot blogs re-appeared. And quickly adjusted just afterwards. The version that made it into the October-December issue was, inevitably, a little squished.

Good quotes from Carpe Diem Ethiopia, Ethan Zuckerman of …My heart's in Accra and Global Voices and Elijah Zarwan of the OpenNet Initiative.

One day Ethiopia had one of the busiest and fastest-growing blogging scenes in the whole of Africa. The next, more than two-thirds of its online journals simply disappeared.

The missing websites were a mystery for the thousands of Ethiopian internet users who logged on every day for the regular helpings of irreverent commentary from the likes of ethiopundit (www.ethiopundit.blogspot.com), Weichegud ET Politics! (www.weichegud.blogspot.com) and CoffeeChilliSun (www.coffeechillisun.blogspot.com).

When they typed the familiar web addresses into their browsers from late May onwards, all they got was a server error or a blank screen. Without warning or explanation, their favourite reads had just gone.

For the disappearing bloggers themselves, however, it was less of a puzzle as all the sites remained visible to internet users outside Ethiopia.

They started up their computers and fired out a series of diatribes accusing the Ethiopian government of purposefully blocking them from computer screens inside the country.

Ethiopia, they said, had joined a small but growing list of states – chief among them Tunisia within Africa and China without – that had resorted to using cyber-censorship to control dissident voices on the internet.

The Ethiopian government itself was quick to deny the claims. "There are no websites that have been blocked in Ethiopia," Zemedkhun Tekle from the Ministry of Information said. "If there is a problem accessing websites it is a technical problem, and I can’t comment on that." No-one was available for comment from Ethiopian Telecommunications Corporation (ETC), Ethiopia's state telecoms monopoly.

But the angry messages from Ethiopia’s bloggers soon attracted attention from international internet experts who started looking into the claims.

One of them was Ethan Zuckerman, a fellow at the Berkman Center for Internet and Society at Harvard Law School in the United States and co-founder of the Global Voices (www.globalvoicesonline.org) – a project that tracks blogs internationally.

"Colleagues of mine in Addis ran experiments to check their connectivity to websites around the world," he said.

"I've reviewed the data from the trace routes they've run. The best explanation I can find for the data is that Ethiopia's internet service provider, ETC, is blocking access to certain internet addresses for Blogger's Blogspot service and for several prominent Ethiopian political blogs hosted on their own servers.”

"It's very unlikely that a ‘technical problem’ – as ETC claims – would prevent access only to these politically sensitive sites."

Another leading organisation giving the situation its full attention is the OpenNet Initiative (ONI), backed by the universities of Oxford, Cambridge and Toronto as well as Harvard and dedicated to documenting internet content filtering by countries and corporations worldwide.

OpenNet experts were half way through a comprehensive scan of Ethiopia’s web infrastructure as Focus on Africa went to press. In its African investigations so far, ONI has confirmed pervasive online censorship in Tunisia. Other countries on its watch list include Egypt, Libya, Morocco, Zimbabwe, Sudan – and now Ethiopia.

"We are finding more and more people that are doing it," said Elijah Zarwan, a Cairo-based ONI researcher.

"Over the past couple of years, Western companies have been exporting the technology to filter the internet more and more. In the future we are going to see more countries swapping the expertise. China, for example, recently gave filtering support to the Sudanese.

"In the long term, these countries are fighting a losing battle. When there is a blockage, people will always find a way around it."

Yet the ONI report on Tunisia concluded that its filtering efforts are “focused and effective” and that "the state employs the SmartFilter software to target and prevent access to four types of material in particular: political opposition to the ruling government, sites on human rights in Tunisia, tools that enable users to circumvent these controls, and pages containing pornography or other sexually explicit content”.

Countries use a variety of methods to stop controversial content reaching their citizens. Some force managers of internet cafes to install commercially available filters. Others set up blockages in the central servers and routers that funnel internet traffic into the country.

The motivations behind cyber-censorship also vary. Some states have ethical problems with pornography or websites promoting race-hate and terrorism. Others with less-than-perfect human rights records want to stop internal access to relevant reports from organisations such as Amnesty International or Human Rights Watch.

Back in Ethiopia, the writer behind the blog Carpe Diem Ethiopia (www.carpediemethiopia.blogspot.com) had no idea which methods were used to keep his words off Ethiopian computer screens. But he said he could guess the motivation.

Carpe Diem was one of a large number of Ethiopian blogs that took a strongly anti-government line after last year’s controversial elections. They were won by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s party, but were followed by bloody street fights between armed police and protesters that left more than 80 dead.

"If Meles has done his homework, he would know his blog-blocking venture would be tantamount to placing a band-aid on a shotgun wound,” he said.

“Given the negligible gains blog-blocking brings him, he should conclude his cyber censorship is more harmful to his regime's image than the trouble worth going through.”

The virtual disappearances, his blog entry continued, were a way of reminding online commentators of who was in control.

"Our take on why they're doing it? To show you, the editors of news sites and bloggers as well as our readers that they could. It's simple as that. It says, ‘I can reach you.’ It says, ‘You're put on notice: I f***ing hate you’.”

* More than ten Ethiopian blogs hosted on the popular Blogspot platform suddenly reappeared on Ethiopian computer screens as Focus on Africa went to press – three months after their initial disappearance. At least seven well-known anti-government websites, however were still missing. Ethiopian internet users had a lot of reading to catch up with after finding that the resilient Blogspot bloggers had kept on writing through the blackout. As the Ethiopian government had always denied that the blogs were blocked in the first place, there was no official explanation for their re-appearance.

Original post by aheavens